International labour migration is one of the most powerful forces shaping economies and families today. Every year, millions of workers leave their home countries in search of better wages, sending back money that keeps households afloat and fuels national economies. But behind the impressive remittance figures lies a more complicated story, one of dependency, gendered vulnerabilities, and gaps in policy that often leave the most marginalised workers unprotected. Understanding these implications is essential for anyone studying how migration and development intersect.
Table of Contents
- The economic weight of remittances
- Poverty alleviation versus dependency
- The gendered face of migration
- Limited rights in host countries
- Wage disparities and discrimination
- Citizenship and residence barriers
- Refugees, displacement, and the development question
- What targeted development assistance does
- The gendered dimension of integration
- Policy responses for India and beyond
- The bigger picture
The economic weight of remittances
Remittances are the money migrants send back to their families in their home countries, and for many developing economies, they are a financial lifeline. India is the world’s largest recipient of remittances, with inflows crossing over $100 billion annually, exceeding the GDP of several smaller nations. Globally, migrant remittances grew from $71 billion in 2000 to $656 billion in 2023, making them one of the largest types of international financial flows to developing countries.
At the household level, this money is transformative. Families use remittances to clear debt, build homes, fund children’s education, access healthcare, and invest in small businesses. According to a report by the Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation, international migration and remittances have led to the economic well-being of households through elimination of credit constraints, uplifting economic status, and enabling better access to health, education, and housing facilities. In states like Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh, and Punjab, entire local economies have been reshaped by decades of Gulf migration.
Poverty alleviation versus dependency
The poverty-reducing power of remittances is well documented. Migrants from poorer regions can experience fivefold wage gains when they move from a developing country to a developed one for work, an improvement that dwarfs most other anti-poverty interventions. Households receiving remittances tend to have higher consumption, better school enrolment, and improved nutrition.
However, this dependency on remittances has a darker side. When entire villages rely on money from abroad, local productive activities often decline. Agricultural land is left fallow, young men and women see migration as the only viable career, and local labour markets shrink. If oil prices crash, host countries impose new visa rules, or a pandemic strikes, remittance flows can drop sharply. During the COVID-19 pandemic, India’s remittances were projected to decline by about 9 per cent in 2020, exposing how fragile this income source can be. Recent tensions in the Persian Gulf region have once again threatened the livelihoods of approximately 9 million Indian nationals working there.
The other concern is consumption-led use. While remittances do fund education and healthcare, a significant share also goes into conspicuous consumption, weddings, gold, and real estate speculation rather than productive investment. This limits the long-term developmental impact of migration on the home economy.
The gendered face of migration
Migration is no longer a predominantly male phenomenon. Women now account for 49 per cent of all migrants from India, with domestic work being the largest sector driving female labour migration. This “feminisation of migration” has opened doors for economic independence, but it has also exposed women to a uniquely harsh set of risks.
Limited rights in host countries
Most female migrants from South Asia head to the Gulf Cooperation Council countries, working as domestic helpers, caregivers, and cleaners. These jobs are often excluded from standard labour protections. Under the kafala system, a visa-sponsorship arrangement used across most Gulf states, a worker’s legal status is tied directly to her employer. This creates a deep power imbalance. As researchers have noted, the kafala system ties workers to individual employers, granting employers significant power over employees often leading to exploitation, with domestic workers excluded from labour protection laws because they work in private homes.
The Indian government has officially acknowledged this pattern. In a statement to the Rajya Sabha, the Ministry of External Affairs confirmed that Indian Missions receive complaints from women workers, particularly female domestic sector workers, on account of poor working conditions, non-payment or delay in payment of salaries, denial of medical facilities, refusal of leave, and even confinement and physical abuse by employers.
Wage disparities and discrimination
Even when women migrants are paid, the wages are often lower than those of male counterparts doing comparable work, and significantly lower than those of citizens of the host country. Investigations have found that Gulf states institutionalize a hierarchy of nationality-based discrimination through bilateral agreements that set recruitment fees and wages based on workers’ country of origin rather than skills or qualifications. Discrimination based on gender and nationality is particularly common in the domestic sector, where workers from poorer countries are paid less for the same tasks.
The structural imbalance is rooted in supply and demand. Because the supply of low-wage workers from South and Southeast Asia far exceeds demand, employers can push down wages and deteriorate working conditions. The International Labour Organization warned as early as 1996 that this “buyer’s market” would put downward pressure on conditions of work for low-income migrant workers.
Citizenship and residence barriers
Securing long-term residence or citizenship in Gulf countries is almost impossible for migrant workers, regardless of how many years they have worked there. Workers are typically on short-term contracts tied to a single employer. If they lose their job, are abused, or fall ill, they often have no legal pathway to remain. Many women are also recruited through irregular channels. The widespread practice of migrating on a tourist or family-visit visa, along with dependence on fraudulent recruitment agents, excludes them from official databases and makes them susceptible to exploitation by recruiters, sponsors, and employers. These loopholes in India’s Emigration Check Required (ECR) system mean many never receive pre-departure training or welfare protection.
Refugees, displacement, and the development question
Labour migration also intersects with forced displacement. When conflict, climate disasters, or persecution force people to flee, they often end up as refugees in neighbouring developing countries. Unlike voluntary migrants, refugees rarely have the right to work, own property, or move freely. This is where targeted development assistance (TDA) becomes critical.
What targeted development assistance does
TDA refers to development aid that is directed specifically at refugee-hosting areas, benefiting both refugees and local communities. The idea is to move beyond treating refugees as a humanitarian burden confined to camps and instead invest in their potential. UNHCR’s Global Compact on Refugees calls for inclusive development in refugee-hosting areas to build the resilience of local and refugee communities, mobilising support so that refugees and hosts share in progress toward the Sustainable Development Goals.
The model has been tried with mixed success. One celebrated example involves Guatemalan refugees in Mexico’s Yucatan Peninsula who received access to self-sufficiency that led to some being repatriated while others became locally integrated, with Mexico benefiting from both the contributions these refugees made and the development assistance granted to host areas. Similar approaches were developed for Nicaraguans in Belize and Salvadorans in Costa Rica.
The gendered dimension of integration
UNHCR has explicitly recognised that integration policies must be gender-sensitive. The agency emphasises that age and gender sensitive approaches should permeate all activities aimed at enhancing the capacities of refugees to integrate locally, recognising changes in gender roles following displacement and the need for different strategies to support refugee women, refugee children, and older refugees.
Female refugees often face compounded vulnerabilities. They are at higher risk of gender-based violence, less likely to have formal documentation in their own name, and frequently restricted by both legal and social barriers from earning a living. TDA programmes that include vocational training, childcare support, freedom of movement, and the right to engage in income-generating activities have shown the strongest results in helping displaced women rebuild their lives.
Policy responses for India and beyond
India has been gradually strengthening its framework for migrant protection. The Ministry of External Affairs has signed Labour and Manpower Cooperation MoUs with six Gulf countries, and the eMigrate portal aims to make recruitment more transparent. The Indian Council of World Affairs notes that India has signed Labour and Manpower Cooperation MoUs with six countries of the Gulf region that provide the institutional framework to comprehensively discuss and review labour related issues, including the working conditions of Indian domestic workers.
Yet enforcement gaps remain large. Activists argue that blanket bans on women’s migration only push it underground, leading to more trafficking and irregular movement. As one activist put it during a discussion on Indian restrictions, “Every person has the right to go where they want to work. The process should be channelized, because if it is not, there will be a lot of illegal migration.”
The way forward involves three connected efforts. First, source countries must improve pre-departure orientation, digital literacy, and legal awareness, especially for women in vulnerable sectors. Second, destination countries must dismantle exploitative structures like the kafala system and extend full labour protections to domestic workers. Third, international cooperation must channel targeted development assistance to communities hosting both labour migrants and refugees, ensuring that women’s specific needs are central to programme design.
The bigger picture
International labour migration is neither a pure blessing nor a pure curse. It pulls families out of poverty while creating new dependencies. It empowers women to earn independent incomes while exposing them to abuse in unprotected workplaces. It generates billions in remittances while leaving sending countries vulnerable to shocks far beyond their control. Understanding these tensions is the first step to designing migration and development policies that actually work for the people they affect most.
What do you think? Should sending countries like India restrict women’s migration to high-risk destinations to protect them, or does that simply remove their agency and push them into more dangerous irregular channels? And how should the costs and benefits of targeted development assistance be shared between wealthy donor countries and the developing nations that host the majority of the world’s refugees and migrant workers?
References
- https://polsci.institute/international-relations/labour-mobility-global-economy-causes-impacts/
- https://www.nber.org/reporter/2025number1/international-migration-remittances-and-economic-development
- https://mospi.gov.in/sites/default/files/publication_reports/Report_The_Impact_of_Remittance.pdf
- https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s41027-020-00301-x
- https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Remittances_to_India
- https://asiapacific.unwomen.org/en/countries/india/migration/women-domestic-workers
- https://www.adhrb.org/2024/05/the-number-of-women-migrant-workers-in-the-gulf-region-is-to-increase-and-so-is-the-potential-for-human-rights-abuses/
- https://sansad.in/getFile/annex/245/As293.pdf?source=pqars
- https://www.mrrors.org/2025/03/a-brief-overview-of-anti-discrimination-regulations-in-gulf-workplace/
- https://pulitzercenter.org/stories/across-oceans-lives-migrant-workers-middle-east
- https://www.idiaspora.org/en/contribute/blog-entry/mobile-women-without-mobile-phones-indian-domestic-workers-gulf
- https://www.unhcr.org/what-we-do/build-better-futures/livelihoods-and-economic-inclusion
- https://www.rsc.ox.ac.uk/files/files-1/pb2-development-assistance-refugees-2009.pdf
- https://www.unhcr.org/publications/conclusion-local-integration
- https://www.icwa.in/show_content.php?lang=1&level=4&ls_id=8296&lid=5463
- https://scroll.in/article/801710/banning-women-from-working-in-the-gulf-will-lead-to-more-trafficking-say-activists

Leave a Reply