Ask anyone on a crowded Mumbai local train whether men and women are different, and the answer will probably be a confident yes. But push further and ask whether those differences come from biology or from years of social conditioning, and the conversation gets complicated. This is exactly the puzzle that sociologists, feminist scholars, and philosophers have wrestled with for decades. The distinction between sex and gender sits at the heart of Population and Family Health Studies because it shapes everything from how households are run to how health policies are designed.
Table of Contents
- Sex and gender are not the same thing
- The biological side: what makes sex
- The social side: what makes gender
- Ann Oakley and the birth of a sociological distinction
- Barbara F. McManus and the feminist refinement
- Feminist views: gender changes, sex stays mostly constant
- How gender changes across time and place
- Why this matters for population and family health
- Michel Foucault: sexuality itself is constructed
- The repressive hypothesis and its critique
- Distinguishing sexuality from biological sex
- Why the distinction matters today
Sex and gender are not the same thing
The words sex and gender are often used interchangeably in everyday Hindi, English, and most regional languages. But in academic and policy discussions, they mean very different things. According to the World Health Organization, sex refers to a set of biological attributes in humans, mainly associated with physical and physiological features such as chromosomes, hormone levels, gene expression, and reproductive anatomy. Gender, on the other hand, is the social construct that assigns roles, behaviours, and identities to people based on their perceived sex.
In simpler terms, sex is what the body is. Gender is what society makes of it. A baby born with female reproductive organs is biologically female. But the expectation that she should wear pink, learn to cook, be soft-spoken, or aspire to marriage by a certain age is gender. None of that is written into her DNA. It is taught, repeated, and reinforced.
The biological side: what makes sex
Biologically, sex is determined at conception through the combination of chromosomes, typically XX for female and XY for male. From there, hormonal and anatomical development follows. However, even biology is not always binary. The WHO acknowledges the existence of intersex variations, where individuals are born with sex characteristics that do not fit traditional definitions of male or female. This challenges the long-held belief that sex is a clean two-box system.
The social side: what makes gender
Gender is the bundle of norms, expectations, and roles a culture attaches to being a man or woman. In India, gender shapes who cooks the evening meal, who inherits ancestral property, who is expected to migrate for work, and who carries the burden of unpaid care. None of these are biological imperatives. They are cultural scripts handed down through generations.
Ann Oakley and the birth of a sociological distinction
The clear separation between sex and gender in modern sociology owes a great deal to British sociologist Ann Oakley. In her 1972 work Sex, Gender and Society, Oakley wrote that sex refers to the biological division into male and female, while gender refers to the parallel and socially unequal division into femininity and masculinity. With one sentence, she opened up a powerful new way of looking at inequality.
Oakley argued that what societies treat as “natural” differences between men and women are actually the product of long histories of religious, cultural, political, and social conditioning. She drew on biology, anthropology, sociology, and animal behaviour to show that men and women are not two separate groups but lie on a continuous scale. Different societies have defined masculinity and femininity in radically different, sometimes even opposite, ways. For instance, while wearing a dress is coded as feminine in many cultures, the dhoti, lungi, and kilt are masculine garments across South Asia and Scotland.
This insight was revolutionary because it meant that gender inequality was not a fact of nature. It was a fact of culture, and culture can be changed.
Barbara F. McManus and the feminist refinement
Feminist scholar Barbara F. McManus built on this framework by emphasising how gender operates as a performance shaped by institutions, expectations, and disciplines of knowledge. In her work on feminism and classical studies, McManus analysed the complex gender performance demanded of academic women and showed how even areas of scholarship that look gender-neutral are deeply shaped by gendered assumptions. Her work reinforced the idea that gender is not just about individual identity but also about the structures through which knowledge, work, and authority are organised.
Feminist views: gender changes, sex stays mostly constant
One of the most important arguments to emerge from feminist scholarship is that gender norms are historically variable, while sex characteristics remain relatively stable across time. This claim has powerful implications. If gender is something societies create, then societies can also remake it.
Consider a few examples from Indian history. For centuries, women in many regions had limited access to formal education. Today, girls outperform boys in many board examinations and dominate university enrolments in several streams. The biology has not changed. What has changed is the gendered expectation about who can or should study. Feminist psychologists like Rhoda Unger pushed for the use of the term gender precisely to refer to traits that are culturally assumed to be appropriate for women and men, separating these from any biological basis.
How gender changes across time and place
Across the world, occupations, dress codes, and even emotional expectations have flipped over time. Pink was once considered a strong, masculine colour in the early 20th century before becoming associated with girls. Nursing in some societies was a male occupation, while in others it became feminised. In rural Indian agrarian economies, women have always performed heavy physical labour in fields, even though urban middle-class gender norms code such labour as masculine.
The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy summarises this feminist view by noting that sex denotes human females and males depending on biological features, while gender denotes women and men depending on social factors such as role, position, behaviour, or identity. The provisional nature of this definition itself signals that gender is open to revision.
Why this matters for population and family health
This variability is not just academic. It shapes maternal health, child nutrition, and family planning outcomes. When a daughter-in-law is expected to eat last in the household, that is gender. When she develops anaemia as a result, that is a public health crisis driven by gendered norms, not by anything biological. Understanding the distinction allows policymakers to target the social cause rather than mistaking the symptom for nature.
Michel Foucault: sexuality itself is constructed
While Oakley and feminist scholars distinguished gender from sex, the French philosopher Michel Foucault pushed the argument even further. In his three-volume work The History of Sexuality, Foucault argued that not just gender but also sexuality is a historical and social construct. He challenged the assumption that sexuality is a fixed, natural drive simply waiting to be discovered or repressed.
According to Foucault’s analysis, modern Western societies did not repress sexuality so much as produce endless discourse about it. Religion demanded confession of sexual thoughts. Medicine classified sexual behaviours into normal and pathological. Psychiatry invented new categories like the “homosexual” as a type of person rather than simply someone who performs certain acts. Schools, prisons, and family life all became sites where sexuality was talked about, measured, and managed.
The repressive hypothesis and its critique
Foucault is famous for rejecting what he called the repressive hypothesis, the idea that Victorian and modern societies have suppressed and silenced sex. Instead, he argued that Western societies have done the opposite: they have produced a flood of discussion, categorisation, and surveillance around sex. Foucault’s central proposition is that sex is a social construction intertwined with power, especially what he called biopolitics, where modern states derive force from controlling biological life.
Distinguishing sexuality from biological sex
What is important is that Foucault is not denying biology. He is saying that the meaning attached to sexual behaviour, the categories used to label it, and the rules made about it are products of history. For Foucault, sexuality is a social construct that regulates and controls certain kinds of bodily pleasure, interpersonal relationships, and one’s relationship to oneself. This insight has had a huge impact on feminist theory, queer studies, and public health, because it reminds us that even the most “natural” feeling categories of identity may have a political history.
Why the distinction matters today
For students of Population and Family Health Studies, the sex-gender distinction is not a vocabulary exercise. It is a tool for analysing health disparities, designing interventions, and understanding family dynamics. Effectively tracking progress on initiatives focused on gender equity requires clear differentiation between the terms sex and gender, since policies that confuse the two often end up reinforcing the very inequalities they aim to address.
Sex-based differences explain why women experience certain conditions like pregnancy-related complications. Gender-based differences explain why women in many households delay seeking treatment for serious illnesses, why boys are more likely to be taken to private hospitals, and why men are less likely to talk about mental health. Tackling these problems requires the precision that Oakley, McManus, and Foucault have given us.
What do you think? If gender is socially constructed and historically variable, what specific gender norm in your own family or community do you think is most ready for change? And how would you separate a health issue that comes from biological sex from one that comes from gendered social expectations?
References
- https://www.who.int/news-room/questions-and-answers/item/gender-and-health
- https://www.oxfordreference.com/display/10.1093/oi/authority.20110803095846541
- https://www.routledge.com/Sex-Gender-and-Society/Oakley/p/book/9781472435620
- https://archive.org/details/classicsfeminism0000mcma
- https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11199-011-9932-5
- https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/feminism-gender/
- https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_History_of_Sexuality
- https://thebrooklyninstitute.com/items/courses/new-york/foucault-history-of-sexuality/
- https://study.com/academy/lesson/the-history-of-sexuality-summary.html
- https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC10523819/

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