Every society inherits a story about who leads, who follows, who works, and who serves. For centuries, that story has placed men at the centre of public life and women at the margins. Feminist thinkers have spent the last two centuries asking a sharper question: why does this arrangement exist in the first place? Patriarchy is not just a vague label for male privilege; it is a system with a history, a structure, and competing explanations for its origin. Understanding those explanations helps us read everyday inequalities, from unequal wages to domestic violence, with much greater clarity.
Table of Contents
- What exactly is patriarchy?
- The liberal feminist view: patriarchy as a problem of law and education
- Mary Wollstonecraft and the case for equal reason
- Why this matters today
- The Marxist feminist view: patriarchy as a product of private property
- Engels and the “world-historical defeat” of women
- Capitalism, housework, and the double burden
- The radical feminist view: patriarchy as control over female bodies
- Sheila Jeffreys and the politics of reproduction
- Indian resonances
- Comparing the three perspectives
What exactly is patriarchy?
The word patriarchy literally means “rule of the father,” but feminist scholars have stretched it far beyond the household. The most widely cited modern definition comes from British sociologist Sylvia Walby, who described patriarchy as a system of social structures and practices in which men dominate, oppress, and exploit women. The crucial word here is system. Patriarchy is not a single cruel husband or a biased boss; it is the underlying architecture that makes such behaviour predictable and repeatable across societies.
In her 1990 book Theorizing Patriarchy, Walby identified six interlocking structures through which male dominance operates: paid work, household production, the state, male violence, sexuality, and cultural institutions. The strength of this framework is that it captures both the obvious and the invisible. A woman in Bengaluru may earn less than her male colleague (paid work), do most of the cooking at home (household production), face street harassment on her commute (male violence), and absorb media messages that judge her appearance more harshly than her ideas (culture). Each structure reinforces the others.
But where did this system come from? Feminists do not agree on a single answer, and that disagreement is itself productive. Three major schools of feminist thought, liberal, Marxist, and radical, offer distinct theories of the origin of patriarchy. Each highlights a different root cause and, therefore, points to a different cure.
The liberal feminist view: patriarchy as a problem of law and education
Liberal feminism is the oldest organised strand of feminist thought. Its central claim is that women’s subordination is rooted in unjust laws, restricted education, and exclusion from the public sphere. If men have dominated political and economic life, it is not because of nature but because women have been legally and socially denied the same opportunities to develop their reason and exercise their rights.
Mary Wollstonecraft and the case for equal reason
The intellectual godmother of this tradition is the English writer Mary Wollstonecraft. In her 1792 work A Vindication of the Rights of Woman, she argued that women are not naturally inferior to men but appear so only because they lack education. Wollstonecraft proposed that both sexes should be treated as rational beings, with a social order founded on reason rather than custom. She went further and described patriarchal oppression as a form of slavery that could no longer be ignored, locating its source in the unequal training given to boys and girls.
Her text is now often called the founding document of modern liberal feminism. For Wollstonecraft, marriage was valuable, but only when grounded in equality and mutual respect, not economic dependence. Reform the laws, open the schools, and reorganise marriage around partnership, and patriarchy would lose its legal scaffolding.
Why this matters today
The liberal feminist diagnosis explains a great deal about how Indian feminism developed in practice. The push for women’s education in the nineteenth century, the demand for the vote, the inclusion of equality clauses in the Constitution under Articles 14, 15, and 16, and later laws like the Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace Act, 2013, all reflect a liberal feminist logic. Remove formal barriers, guarantee equal opportunity, and women will participate as equals.
Critics argue this view is too optimistic. Laws on paper do not automatically translate into equality on the ground, and formal rights cannot dismantle deeper economic or sexual structures. That critique sets up the next theoretical perspective.
The Marxist feminist view: patriarchy as a product of private property
If liberal feminists locate patriarchy in laws and education, Marxist feminists trace it to economics, specifically to the rise of private property and class society. The foundational text here is Friedrich Engels’s The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State, published in 1884 and built partly on notes left by Karl Marx.
Engels and the “world-historical defeat” of women
Engels argued that human societies were not always patriarchal. Drawing on the anthropological research of Lewis Henry Morgan, he claimed that matriarchal communal societies were overthrown by class society with its emphasis on private rather than communal property and monogamous rather than polygamous sexual organisation. He called this transition the “world-historic defeat of the female sex.”
The logic runs like this. In hunter-gatherer communities, property was shared and descent was often traced through the mother. When agriculture and animal husbandry produced surpluses, those surpluses became the personal property of men. A man who owned land and cattle wanted to pass them to his biological sons, and to be sure of paternity, he needed to control the sexuality of women. The monogamous patriarchal family was invented, in Engels’s view, not for love but for inheritance. Women’s oppression as a sex begins with the development of private property, and the patriarchal family becomes its enforcement mechanism.
Capitalism, housework, and the double burden
Marxist feminists extend this argument to modern capitalism. The unpaid domestic labour that women perform, cooking, cleaning, raising children, caring for the elderly, is what allows the wage labour of the workforce to continue every day. Capitalism, in this reading, benefits from patriarchy because it gets a vast amount of work done for free. The solution, therefore, cannot be limited to legal reform. It requires restructuring the economic system that profits from women’s subordination.
In the Indian context, this perspective sheds light on findings like the Time Use Survey conducted by the Ministry of Statistics, which consistently shows that women spend far more hours on unpaid domestic and caregiving work than men. The economy depends on this invisible labour, yet it remains uncounted in GDP. For Marxist feminists, that is patriarchy and capitalism reinforcing each other in plain sight.
The radical feminist view: patriarchy as control over female bodies
Radical feminism, which emerged powerfully in the late 1960s and 1970s, rejects the idea that patriarchy is a by-product of law or property. It argues that patriarchy is the original and most fundamental form of oppression, predating class society, and that its root lies in male control over women’s sexuality and reproduction.
Sheila Jeffreys and the politics of reproduction
Sheila Jeffreys, a British-Australian radical lesbian feminist scholar, has been one of the most uncompromising voices in this tradition. For Jeffreys, patriarchy, the rule of men, has existed from as far back in human history as we have evidence for, before economic class society. She argues that controlling reproduction is central to controlling women as a group, and that any liberation movement that ignores this fact is incomplete.
In books like The Spinster and Her Enemies, Anticlimax, and Beauty and Misogyny, Jeffreys analyses how institutions like marriage, pornography, prostitution, and even beauty practices function as mechanisms through which male dominance is maintained. Radical feminists like Andrea Dworkin and Catharine MacKinnon similarly argued that sexual violence and the sex industry are not isolated crimes but structural tools of patriarchy.
Indian resonances
The radical feminist lens is useful for understanding phenomena in India that economic or legal analysis alone struggles to explain. The persistence of female foeticide despite the Pre-Conception and Pre-Natal Diagnostic Techniques Act, the social pressure on women to bear sons, the ongoing burden of dowry, and the high rates of intimate partner violence reported by the National Family Health Survey-5 all point to a system that treats women’s bodies as objects of control. For radical feminists, dismantling patriarchy means transforming the most intimate spheres of life, sexuality, marriage, and reproduction, not just the public ones.
Comparing the three perspectives
Each tradition offers a different answer to the same question. Liberal feminism says patriarchy originates in unequal laws and education and can be reformed through equal rights. Marxist feminism says it originates in private property and class society and can only be ended by transforming the economic system. Radical feminism says it originates in male control over female sexuality and reproduction and demands a revolution in the politics of the body.
These are not mutually exclusive. Many contemporary thinkers, including Walby herself, combine insights from all three. Walby’s six structures, for instance, include paid work (a Marxist concern), the state (a liberal concern), and sexuality and male violence (radical concerns). What feminist theory has shown is that patriarchy is not one thing with one origin but a layered system that operates as interlocking structures embedded in society, shaping both public and private life.
For students of gender and society, the lesson is not to pick the “correct” theory but to use each as a lens. When you read about wage gaps, reach for Marxist feminism. When you read about marital rape laws, reach for radical feminism. When you read about reservations for women in Parliament, reach for liberal feminism. The richer your toolkit, the sharper your analysis.
What do you think? Which of these three theoretical perspectives, liberal, Marxist, or radical, best explains the forms of gender inequality you see in your own community, and what would a solution rooted in that perspective actually look like in practice?
References
- https://www.ncca.ie/media/2601/sylvia-walby-v2.pdf
- https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0038038589023002004
- https://www.britannica.com/biography/Mary-Wollstonecraft
- https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Liberal_feminism
- https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/A_Vindication_of_the_Rights_of_Woman
- https://wcd.gov.in/sites/default/files/Sexual%20Harassment%20at%20Workplace%20Act.pdf
- https://www.versobooks.com/products/2709-the-origin-of-the-family-private-property-and-the-state
- https://www.marxists.org/history/etol/writers/smith-s/1997/xx/engels.htm
- https://www.mospi.gov.in/sites/default/files/publication_reports/Report_TUS_2019_0.pdf
- https://sheila-jeffreys.com/the-need-for-revolutionary-feminism-by-sheila-jeffreys-1977/
- https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sheila_Jeffreys
- https://main.mohfw.gov.in/acts-rules-and-standards-health-sector/acts/pcpndt
- https://main.mohfw.gov.in/sites/default/files/NFHS-5_Phase-II_0.pdf
- https://thesociologyguy.com/sylvia-walby-and-the-six-structures-of-patriarchy/

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